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ΔημοσίευσεСтанислав Багреев Τροποποιήθηκε πριν 5 χρόνια
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Map of Greece
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People in the street
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RomanEmpire
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Byzantine Empire
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Arab Empire 750 CE
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Arab Empire (MassachusettsAcadSciences map)
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Ottoman Empire
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Suleiman the Magnificent, 15th-16th c
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Ottoman Empire (1699)
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φεουδαρχία
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φεουδαρχία
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The Bourbons
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γραφειοκρατία
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labour movement
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bourgeoisie
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la bourgeoisie urbaine médiévale
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Enlightenment
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Βιομηχανική επανάσταση
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Βιομηχανική επανάσταση
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Αναγέννηση
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After the Balkan Wars
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Θράκη, ιστορικά
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«Bόρεια Ήπειρος»
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The nation as sleeping beauty
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Estonia
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πρώην Γιουγκοσλαβία
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πρώην Γιουγκοσλαβία
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Μιλόσεβιτς, Κάρατζιτς
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Βιασμοί Γιουγκοσλ. πολέμων
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Sarajevo siege
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Sarajevo siege
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Sarajevo siege
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Σρεμπρένιτσα
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Σρεμπρένιτσα
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Σρεμπρένιτσα
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Σρεμπρένιτσα
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Σρεμπρένιτσα
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Κόσοβο
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Κόσοβο (ορθόδοξη εκκλησία)
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Eric Hobsbawm
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Γοτθικός ρυθμός (Ιταλία)
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Γοτθικός ρυθμός (Βρετανικό Κοινοβούλιο)
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Γοτθικός ρυθμός (παλάτι Westminster)
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εθνικά σύμβολα
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εθνικά σύμβολα – Ελλάδα ;;;
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Uncle Sam: πατριωτικό αίσθημα
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John Bull
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(the Chrysanthemum is the public symbol of the Emperor of Japan since the twelfth century. The 16-petal symbol is now used in the public businesses of the Japanese government)
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Government Seal of Japan, a stylized paulownia flower with leaves, represents the democratically elected representatives of the government --as a contrast to the Imperial Seal of Japan, which represents the Emperor of Japan, who is the symbol of the sovereignty of the state
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Liberty Marianne
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σύγχρονη Marianne, νέο λογότυπο Γαλλικής κυβέρνησης
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εθνικές επέτειοι Βαστίλη
εθνικές επέτειοι Βαστίλη
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Βαστίλη
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Ημέρα της Βαστίλης
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Columbus Day
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Χρυσή Εβδομάδα-Ιαπωνία
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εθνικά μνημεία Αψίδα του Θριάμβου
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εθνικά μνημεία Βενιαμίν Φρανκλίνος (Πενσυλβάνια)
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Benedict Anderson
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Jose Rizal, Philippines
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Fredrik Barth
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Michael Billig
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The central thesis of the present book is that, in the established nations, there is a continual 'flagging', or reminding, of nationhood. The established nations are those states that have confidence in their own continuity, and that, particularly, are part of what is conventionally described as 'the West'. The political leaders of such nations - whether France, the USA, the United Kingdom or New Zealand - are not typically termed 'nationalists'. However, as will be suggested, nationhood provides a continual background for their political discourses, for cultural products, and even for the structuring of newspapers. In so many little ways, the citizenry are daily reminded of their national place in a world of nations. However, this reminding is so familiar, so continual, that it is not consciously registered as reminding. The metonymic image of banal nationalism is not a flag which is being consciously waved with fervent passion; it is the flag hanging unnoticed on the public building. Michael Billig, Banal Nationalism, p. 8
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Μετωνυμία
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Politicians, rhetorically presenting themselves as standing in the eye of the nation, evoke the whole nation as their audience, well aware that their words will actually reach only a percentage of the nation's ears and eyes and that they might be overheard by others. "We must become more secure," said Schauble: 'we' did not refer to those who might listen or read his words: 'we' referred to all those belonging to "our fatherland". Mandela declared that "we are one people", outwardly addressing his remarks to the nation evoked as a whole, aware that his audience would include an eavesdropping world (at one point, he addressed "the people of South Africa and the world who are watching"). The deixis of homeland invokes the national 'we' and places 'us' within 'our' homeland.
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The word 'this' is frequently used deictically to indicate place
The word 'this' is frequently used deictically to indicate place. 'This room' or 'this table" can be indicated directly in a face-to-face conversation… But 'this country‘ cannot be physically indicated: what is there to point to? The speaker, in a television studio or on formal platform, has no object to indicate. The country is the whole context, which stretches beyond the individual locations of any speaker or listener, and, therefore, it cannot be indicated as the speaker's (or listeners') own particular 'here'. John Major claimed that "this is still the best country in the world", and Tony Blair promised "under my leadership I will never allow this country to be isolated or left behind in Europe". Bush and Clinton, on their decisive election night, rhetorically pointed in the same direction. Clinton pointed to "this, the greatest country in human history" and Bush to "this, the world's greatest nation" (emphases added). This nation/this country: in no instance is there any ambiguity about which nation/country this is. This 'this' is the place of the evoked unseen and unseeable audience (or at least those of the audience presumed to belong to 'our' nation). It is evoked as the national place of 'us', conceived as a community. If the vocabulary appears pointedly concrete (as in 'this table' or 'this room'), then the word points to something which cannot be apprehended in its totality and which is always more than a geographical location.
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The definite article can be used to refer to 'this/our' country and its inhabitants. The country need not be named to be indicated as the ground on which the figures of speech appear. "Across the nation", declared Tony Blair; "you, the people, who are our true heroes", complimented Mandela, holding up the mirror of representation; ….Which nation? No specification is necessary: the nation is this nation, 'our‘ nation. This deixis can do its business unobtrusively, running up the flag so discreetly that it is unnoticed even by speaker or writer. The nation does not need to be mentioned, let alone named. Michael Billig, Banal Nationalism, p
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Concluding Confession
…. Traces of nationalism and flag-waving are not merely to be found in others. Analysts, too, should confess. The language of confession demands a switch from the plural to the singular. I read the sporting pages, turning to them more quickly than is appropriate, given the news of suffering on other pages. Regularly I answer the invitation to celebrate national sporting triumphs. If a citizen from the homeland runs quicker or jumps higher than foreigners, I feel pleasure. Why, I do not know. I want the national team to beat the teams of other countries, scoring more goals, runs or whatever. International matches seem so much more important than domestic ones: there is an extra thrill of competition, with something indefinable at stake. Daily, I scan the papers for yet more scores, thoughtless of the future to which this routine activity might be pointing. I do not ask myself why I do it. I just do it, habitually. ….Benedict Anderson (1983) suggested that a feeling of national community is produced by the knowledge that all over the nation people are performing the daily ritual of reading the same newspaper. But it cannot be that simple. Men know … that other men are reading the same sporting results. However, the ritual can reproduce division, rather than an overall sense of sporting community. Michael Billig, Banal Nationalism, p. 125
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